Martin O'Neill
University of York, Philosophy, Faculty Member
- University of York, School of Politics, Economics and Philosophy, Faculty Memberadd
- Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Economy, Inequality, Ethics, Egalitarianism, and 97 moreSocial Justice, Property-Owning Democracy, Taxation, Social Democracy, Labor unions, Corporate Governance, Corporate Social Responsibility, Business Ethics, Moral Philosophy, Criminal Justice, Applied Ethics, Corporate Law, Environmental Ethics, Normative Ethics, Liberalism, Public Health Policy, Global Justice, Environmental Justice, Social Justice in Education, Tax Law, Philosophy of Action, Free Will, Moral Responsibility, Risk Management and Insurance, Free Will, Financial Markets And Institution, Moral and Political Philosophy, John Rawls, Distributive Justice, Business Taxation, Free Will and Moral Responsibility, Philosophy Of Freedom, Financial Crisis of 2008/2009, Equality, Tax Policy, Ronald Dworkin, Trade unions, Labour Party (UK), Bernard Williams, Intergenerational justice, G. A. Cohen, Thomas Nagel, Parfit, Derek, Thomas Scanlon, Politics, Political Science, Democracy, Capitalism, Rawls, Philosophy, Shareholder primacy, Philosophy Of Economics, Welfare State, Welfare State Models, John Rawls's theory of justice, Thomas Piketty, Piketty, Social Inequality, Inequality (Economics), Education, Critical Theory, History, Human Rights, International Relations, History of Political Thought, Democratic Theory, Economics, Social Sciences, Philosophy Of Law, Social and Political Philosophy, Republicanism, Public Policy, History of Philosophy, Constitutional Law, Moral Psychology, Marxism, Social Stratification and Inequality, Climate ethics, Childcare, Community Development, Commons, Urban Studies, Urban And Regional Planning, Urbanism, Local/Municipal government, Work and Labour, Labour Law, Labour history, Labour Economics, Political Economy and History, Socialism, Theories of Socialism, Marxist political economy, Public Administration and Policy, Poverty and Inequality, Income inequality, Wealth, and Sovereign Wealth Fundsedit
- I am Senior Lecturer in Political Philosophy at the University of York. I have been at York since 2010, initially in ... moreI am Senior Lecturer in Political Philosophy at the University of York. I have been at York since 2010, initially in the Department of Politics (2010-18), moving across to the Department of Philosophy in Autumn 2018.
I work on social justice and inequality, and various issues at the intersection of political philosophy, political economy and public policy (including taxation, monetary policy, financial regulation, corporate governance, and labour unions). I welcome enquiries from potential PhD students interested in working on projects in these areas, or on related issues in political philosophy.
My work has been supported by a range of funders, including the British Academy, the Leverhulme Trust, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, the Institute for New Economic Thinking (INET), and the Independent Social Research Foundation (ISRF). I've published in a range of journals such as Philosophy & Public Affairs; Ethics; Philosophy; the Journal of Social Philosophy; the Journal of Moral Philosophy; and the Journal of Political Philosophy. I am the co-author (with Joe Guinan) of The Case for Community Wealth Building (Polity Press, 2019). I am co-editor (with Thad Williamson) of Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond (Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), and (with Shepley Orr) of Taxation: Philosophical Perspectives (OUP, 2018). I am also a Commissioning Editor of Renewal: a Journal of Social Democracy, and an Assistant Editor of the Journal of Moral Philosophy.
Before coming to York, I was Hallsworth Research Fellow in Political Economy at the University of Manchester (2007-09) and, before that, Research Fellow in Philosophy & Politics at St John's College, University of Cambridge (2004-07). I was a student at Balliol College, Oxford (BA in PPE; BPhil in Philosophy), and then at Harvard University, where I wrote my PhD dissertation (on "Freedom, Fairness, and Responsibility") in the Department of Philosophy, supervised by T. M. Scanlon and Derek Parfit.edit
Research Interests: Business Ethics, Economics, Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, and 40 moreEthics, Free Will, Moral Responsibility, Applied Ethics, Labour Party (UK), Corporate Social Responsibility, Political Theory, Equality Studies, Social Philosophy, Corporate Governance, British Politics, Political Science, Taxation, Politics, Social Justice, Egalitarianism, Philosophy Of Economics, Capitalism, Justice, Equality, Wittgenstein, Moral Philosophy, John Rawls, Socialism, Social and Political Philosophy, Modern Political Philosophy, Contemporary Political Philosophy, Rawls, Moral and Political Philosophy, Liberty, Contemporary Political Theory, Social Democracy, Ethics and economics, Liberal Egalitarianism, Economy, Social Inequality, Varieties of Capitalism, Freedom, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, and Piketty
How can we build local communities that are prosperous, inclusive and sustainable? Is there a way of promoting economic development that works for everyone? Joe Guinan and Martin O’Neill argue that traditional economic strategies, driven... more
How can we build local communities that are prosperous, inclusive and sustainable? Is there a way of promoting economic development that works for everyone?
Joe Guinan and Martin O’Neill argue that traditional economic strategies, driven by tax incentives and public-private partnerships, typically waste billions in order to subsidize the extraction of profit by footloose corporations with little benefit to the community. They outline an exciting alternative economic model which uses the power of democratic participation to drive equitable development and ensure that wealth is retained locally: Community Wealth Building. They show how this model can transform our economic system from the bottom up by creating a web of collaborative institutions, such as worker co-operatives, community land trusts, and public and community banks, all underpinned by local ‘anchor’ strategies.
This book is essential reading for everyone interested in building more equal, inclusive, and democratic societies, and for everyone who wants to explore how local political action can help to make that change happen.
Joe Guinan and Martin O’Neill argue that traditional economic strategies, driven by tax incentives and public-private partnerships, typically waste billions in order to subsidize the extraction of profit by footloose corporations with little benefit to the community. They outline an exciting alternative economic model which uses the power of democratic participation to drive equitable development and ensure that wealth is retained locally: Community Wealth Building. They show how this model can transform our economic system from the bottom up by creating a web of collaborative institutions, such as worker co-operatives, community land trusts, and public and community banks, all underpinned by local ‘anchor’ strategies.
This book is essential reading for everyone interested in building more equal, inclusive, and democratic societies, and for everyone who wants to explore how local political action can help to make that change happen.
Research Interests: Public Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Labour Party (UK), Political Theory, and 15 morePolitical Science, Regional and Local Governance, Politics, Social Justice, Socialisms, Local Government, Egalitarianism, Local Government and Local Development, Justice, Democracy, Socialism, Economic Democracy, Local Democracy, Theories of Socialism, and Public Policy
Taxation: Philosophical Perspectives is the first edited collection devoted to addressing philosophical issues relating to tax. The tax system is central to the operation of states and to the ways in which states interact with individual... more
Taxation: Philosophical Perspectives is the first edited collection devoted to addressing philosophical issues relating to tax. The tax system is central to the operation of states and to the ways in which states interact with individual citizens. Taxes are used by states to fund the provision of public goods and public services, to engage in direct or indirect forms of redistribution, and to mould the behaviour of individual citizens. As the chapters in this volume show, there are a number of pressing and significant philosophical issues relating to the tax system, and these issues often connect in fascinating ways with foundational questions regarding property rights, democracy, public justification, state neutrality, stability, political psychology, and a range of other issues. Many of these deep and challenging philosophical questions about tax have not always received as much sustained attention as they clearly merit. Our hope is that this book will advance the debate along a number of these philosophical fronts, and be a welcome spur to further work. The book’s aim of advancing the debate about tax in political philosophy has both general and more specific aspects, involving both overarching issues regarding the tax system as a whole and more specific issues relating to particular forms of tax policy. Serious philosophical work on the tax system requires an interdisciplinary approach—the discussion in this volume therefore includes contributions from a number of scholars whose expertise spans neighbouring disciplines, including political science, economics, public policy, and law.
Go here to order with 30% off: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/taxation-9780199609222?cc=gb&lang=en&promocode=AAFLYG6
Go here to order with 30% off: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/taxation-9780199609222?cc=gb&lang=en&promocode=AAFLYG6
Research Interests: Economics, Public Economics, Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, and 34 moreTax Law, Political Theory, Property Rights, Property Law, Political Science, Taxation, Tax reform, Politics, Business Taxation, Social Justice, Global Justice, Property, Corporate Income Taxation, Justice, Tax Policy, Property Theory, Democracy, John Rawls, International Taxation, Property Law & Theory, Libertarianism, Robert Nozick, Tax Compliance, Poverty and Inequality, Public Goods, John Rawls's theory of justice, Inheritance, International Tax Policy, Land Value Taxation, Redistribution, Taxation Law, Political Economy and History, Public Policy, and Land Taxation
Is social justice possible within capitalist societies? Or should progressives and egalitarians be looking for viable alternatives to free-market capitalism? John Rawls, one of the most influential political philosophers of the last... more
Is social justice possible within capitalist societies? Or should progressives and egalitarians be looking for viable alternatives to free-market capitalism? John Rawls, one of the most influential political philosophers of the last century, advanced the view that social justice is indeed impossible within the constraints of the capitalist welfare state. Rawls believed that familiar capitalist societies in which a small minority holds a massively disproportionate share of wealth could not possibly be just. Instead, he argued that justice requires a different form of socioeconomic organization, one in which human and nonhuman capital is dispersed widely. He called it a "property-owning democracy".
Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond presents the first extended treatment of Rawls' important ideas about the practical implementation of his theory of justice. Contributors to this volume approach Rawls' idea from a number of perspectives: its philosophical foundations, institutional implications, and possible connections to the future of left-of-center politics. Readings shed new light on a variety of topics, including the inequality of current wealth distribution in advanced capitalist societies; ways of funding a system of universal asset holdings; novel democratic forms of ownership; the link between asset ownership and human capital; and many others. Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond offers thought-provoking insights into the concept of social justice in the 21st-century world.
Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond presents the first extended treatment of Rawls' important ideas about the practical implementation of his theory of justice. Contributors to this volume approach Rawls' idea from a number of perspectives: its philosophical foundations, institutional implications, and possible connections to the future of left-of-center politics. Readings shed new light on a variety of topics, including the inequality of current wealth distribution in advanced capitalist societies; ways of funding a system of universal asset holdings; novel democratic forms of ownership; the link between asset ownership and human capital; and many others. Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond offers thought-provoking insights into the concept of social justice in the 21st-century world.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Labour Party (UK), Political Theory, Welfare State, and 14 moreRepublicanism, Social Justice, Gender, Egalitarianism, Public Reason, Human Capital, Work and Labour, John Rawls, Socialism, Social Democracy, Economic Democracy, Corporatism, Workplace Democracy, and Public Policy
This essay is concerned with the question of what kind of economic system would be needed in order to realise Rawls’s principles of social justice. Hitherto, debates about ‘property-owning democracy’ and ‘liberal socialism’ have been... more
This essay is concerned with the question of what kind of economic system would be needed in order to realise Rawls’s principles of social justice. Hitherto, debates about ‘property-owning democracy’ and ‘liberal socialism’ have been overly schematic, in various respects, and have therefore missed some of the most important issues regarding the relationships between social justice and economic institutions and systems. What is at stake between broadly capitalist or socialist economic systems is not in fact a simple choice in a single dimension, but rather a range of choices across a range of different dimensions. This essay, then, has a dual objective: firstly, it aims to provide a richer account of this normative territory, while showing how issues of economic democracy, decommodification and the limits of markets, and the role of democratic economic planning, all raise questions of justice that are not well-captured by focussing only on questions of ownership. Secondly, it aims to show how the case for democratic socialism can be developed from Rawlsian foundations, in a way that is sensitive to the normative affinities between Rawlsian liberal egalitarianism and themes in socialist political thought, and which attends carefully to the different kinds of institutional elements which a stable, just, and democratic society would require. Taking these aims together, the hope is that we can move onwards to a richer debate about the ways in which the realisation of democratic socialist institutions may be seen as a requirement of social justice.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Politics, and 15 moreSocial Justice, Socialisms, Property, Capitalism, Justice, John Rawls, Socialism, Rawls, Democratic Socialism, Socialismo, Public Goods, John Rawls's theory of justice, Win Wenders, Theories of Socialism, and Property-Owning Democracy
The idea of predistribution has the potential to offer a valuable and distinctive approach to political philosophers, political scientists, and economists, in thinking about social justice and the creation of more egalitarian economies.... more
The idea of predistribution has the potential to offer a valuable and distinctive approach to political philosophers, political scientists, and economists, in thinking about social justice and the creation of more egalitarian economies. It is also an idea that has drawn the interest of politicians of the left and centre-left, promising an alternative to traditional forms of social democracy. But the idea of predistribution is not well understood, and stands in need of elucidation. This article explores ways of drawing the conceptual and normative distinction between predistribution and redistribution, examining those general categories when considering the roles of public services and fiscal transfers, and looking at the ways in which government policies can empower and disempower different individuals and groups within the economy. This article argues that the most initially plausible and common-sensical ways of drawing the distinction between predistributive and redistributive public policies collapse when put under analytical pressure. It concludes that the distinction between predistribution and redistribution is best seen in terms of the aims or effects of policies rather than a deeper division of policy types, and argues that, once seen in those terms, predistribution is a central concern of social justice.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Social Policy, Labour Party (UK), Political Theory, and 15 moreTaxation, Politics, Social Justice, Economic Justice, Basic Income, Egalitarianism, Justice, Work and Labour, John Rawls, Socialism, Social Democracy, Inequality, Theories of Socialism, Piketty, and Public Policy
In what follows, we are concerned to present the main features of socialism, both as a critique of capitalism, and as a proposal for its replacement. Our focus is predominantly on literature written within a philosophical idiom, focusing... more
In what follows, we are concerned to present the main features of socialism, both as a critique of capitalism, and as a proposal for its replacement. Our focus is predominantly on literature written within a philosophical idiom, focusing in particular on philosophical writing on socialism produced during the past forty-or-so years. Furthermore, our discussion concentrates on the normative contrast between socialism and capitalism as economic systems. Both socialism and capitalism grant workers legal control of their labor power, but socialism, unlike capitalism, requires that the bulk of the means of production workers use to yield goods and services be under the effective control of workers themselves, rather than in the hands of the members of a different, capitalist class under whose direction they must toil. As we will explain below, this contrast has been articulated further in different ways, and socialists have not only made distinctive claims regarding economic organization but also regarding the processes of transformation fulfilling them and the principles and ideals orienting their justification (including, as we will see, certain understandings of freedom, equality, solidarity, and democracy).
Research Interests: Critical Theory, Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, and 15 moreMarxism, Political Science, Post-Marxism, Socialisms, Marxist theory, Socialism, Social and Political Philosophy, Modern Political Philosophy, Karl Marx, Moral and Political Philosophy, John Stuart Mill, Exploitation, Alienation, Socialismo, and Theories of Socialism
James Meade argued that public ownership of productive assets should have a central role in a 'liberal socialist' economy. While somewhat sceptical of the state seeking to run specific firms or industries, Meade argued that the state... more
James Meade argued that public ownership of productive assets should have a central role in a 'liberal socialist' economy. While somewhat sceptical of the state seeking to run specific firms or industries, Meade argued that the state should own a significant share of a society's productive assets, using the return on the assets to promote a more equal distribution of income (e.g., through payment of a universal social dividend). This paper traces the development of Meade's thinking around this citizens' trust concept; explores its influence in UK policy discussions; and makes the case for the continuing relevance of the proposal in response to contemporary economic developments.
Research Interests: Economics, Public Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Labour Party (UK), and 14 morePolitical Theory, Political Science, Social Justice, Egalitarianism, Justice, John Rawls, Socialism, Rawls, Sovereign Wealth Funds, John Rawls (Philosophy), John Rawls's theory of justice, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, and Public Policy
The Mondragon Corporation is the largest and most successful worker-owned cooperative group in the world. Based in the Baque Country, with its headquarters in the town of Mondragón, the Mondragon Corporation is a network of over one... more
The Mondragon Corporation is the largest and most successful worker-owned cooperative group in the world. Based in the Baque Country, with its headquarters in the town of Mondragón, the Mondragon Corporation is a network of over one hundred constituent worker cooperatives, working in a range of sectors including industrial production, agriculture, and retail, and also including both a bank and a university. It is in the ten largest companies in Spain, with over 67,000 workers in its constituent cooperatives, and is the largest business group within the Basque Country. Ander Etxberria is Mondragon's director of "cooperative dissemination": the person charged with explaining the values and operating principles of Mondragon to those outside the organisation. He talks here with Renewal commissioning editor Martin O'Neill about how Mondragon works, the values it aims to embody, and what lessons can be learned from its example for the development of cooperatives elsewhere in the world.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Basque Studies, and 15 moreSocial Justice, Socialisms, Catholic Social Teaching, Egalitarianism, Cooperatives, Socialism, Economic Democracy, Employee Ownership, Catholic Social Thought, Socialismo, Industrial Democracy, Worker Cooperatives, Theories of Socialism, Cooperatives and banking, and Socialismo del siglo XXI
Fernando Atria, Professor of Law at the Universidad de Chile, came to national prominence in Chile during the 2011 Student Movement, as his ideas on moving beyond a market society were taken up by the movement's participants. In recent... more
Fernando Atria, Professor of Law at the Universidad de Chile, came to national prominence in Chile during the 2011 Student Movement, as his ideas on moving beyond a market society were taken up by the movement's participants. In recent years he has been a leading figure on the left of the Chilean Socialist Party, looking to reanimate the radical tradition of Salvador Allende within the party, and was the candidate of the left for the party's nomination at the most recent presidential election. Here Professor Atria talks with Renewal Commissioning Editor Martin O'Neill about overcoming the legacy of neoliberalism in Chile, and the hope for future political and economic transformation in the country.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Science, Legal Theory, and 15 morePolitics, Social Justice, Socialisms, Egalitarianism, History of Chile, South and Central American Politics, Chile, Legal Philosophy, Socialism, Chilean Politics, Socialismo, Salvador Allende, Historia de Chile, Theories of Socialism, and Socialismo del siglo XXI
Andrés Lajous, the Secretary for Mobility in the city governmnent of Mexico City, in the newly elected administration of mayor Claudia Sheinbaum, has one of the most challenging jobs in city government anywhere in the world. Lajous, who... more
Andrés Lajous, the Secretary for Mobility in the city governmnent of Mexico City, in the newly elected administration of mayor Claudia Sheinbaum, has one of the most challenging jobs in city government anywhere in the world. Lajous, who comes to his role overseeing the transport system of CDMX via academia, has a background in urban planning and political sociology, and is one of a new generation of political figures brought to prominence through the political sea-change of 2018 in Mexico. A member of the political collective Democracia Deliberada -- a group whose self-description is as a current in search of the lost left ("corriente política en busqueda de la izquierda perdida"), Andrés Lajous now has overall responsibility for the transport system of a city of more than 22 million people, where more than 34 million journeys are made every day. Here he talks with Renewal commissioning editor Martin O'Neill about the role of transport policy in creating more just societies, strategies for overcoming inequalities of wealth and power, and the emergence of a new left populism within Mexico.
Research Interests: Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Public Transport, Global cities, Social Justice, and 15 moreSocialisms, Transport Planning, Egalitarianism, Transportation Policy, Socialism, Mexican Politics, Mexico, Cities, City and Regional Planning, Sustainable Cities, Smart Cities, Socialismo, Right to the city, Theories of Socialism, and Public Policy
The Mexican elections of 2018 saw an unprecedented victory for the left, with the election of Andres Manuel López Obrador as President (winning 31 of 32 Mexican states), and with his MORENA party [the Movimiento Regeneración Nacional]... more
The Mexican elections of 2018 saw an unprecedented victory for the left, with the election of Andres Manuel López Obrador as President (winning 31 of 32 Mexican states), and with his MORENA party [the Movimiento Regeneración Nacional] sweeping away the old parties of the PRI and PAN, and achieving an absolute majority in the Chamber of Deputies. At a time when the left has been on the retreat in many parts of Latin America, AMLO's victory represents (to take the English-language title of his 2018 book) a New Hope for Mexico, and the chance to reconfigure a political society blighted by corruption and inequality. On a recent trip to CDMX, Renewal commissioning editor Martin O'Neill spoke with Sergio Silva-Castañeda about the ambitions and prospects of the new Mexican government. Sergio Silva-Castañeda was until 2018 a professor of international studies at ITAM in Mexico City, and now serves as a member of the new administration, as economic adviser to Graciela Márquez Colín, Secretary for the Economy in the new government.
Research Interests: Social Movements, Latin American Studies, Political Economy, Mexican Studies, Latin American politics, and 15 morePolitics, Socialisms, Social Movements (Political Science), Latin American Politics (Political Science), Socialism, Mexican Politics, Social Democracy, Mexico, Social movements in Mexico, Income inequality, Socialismo, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, Theories of Socialism, and Public Policy
Arguments for public ownership come in many different forms. Some appeal to the potential efficiency gains if a specific firm or industry is in public hands. Others appeal to the distributional benefits of public ownership. One version of... more
Arguments for public ownership come in many different forms. Some appeal to the potential efficiency gains if a specific firm or industry is in public hands. Others appeal to the distributional benefits of public ownership. One version of this distributional argument is that if assets are publicly-owned then the return to these assets, including capital gains, can be more readily shared with the citizenry at large rather than flowing to a privileged few. In this article we explore the way this argument is developed in the work of the Nobel Laureate economist James Meade and sketch a case for the continuing relevance of Meade’s ideas.
Research Interests: Public Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, History of Economic Thought, and 15 morePolitical Science, Social Justice, International Political Economy, Capitalism, Justice, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Socialism, Sovereign Wealth Funds, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, John Rawls's theory of justice, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, and Public Policy
Forthcoming in Hugh Collins, Gillian Lester, and Virginia Mantouvalou, eds. Philosophical Foundations of Labour Law, (OUP: 2018). In this chapter, we revisit the issue of how trade unions potentially contribute to political equality. We... more
Forthcoming in Hugh Collins, Gillian Lester, and Virginia Mantouvalou, eds. Philosophical Foundations of Labour Law, (OUP: 2018). In this chapter, we revisit the issue of how trade unions potentially contribute to political equality. We argue that the state’s adoption of a promotive stance towards trade unionism and collective bargaining should be seen, in part, as a feature of a stable democratic polity, one that is more internally resilient to oligarchical pressures. In this way, we argue that basic questions of labour law, which affect trade unions’ formation and operation, need to be viewed from the standpoint of democratic theory and the challenge of preventing a drift of representative institutions towards oligarchy.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Participation, Political Parties, Political Theory, and 15 moreDemocratic Theory, Political Science, Trade unionism, Labour Law, Philosophy Of Law, Deliberative Democracy, Work and Labour, Democracy, Inequality (Economics), Social Inequality, Trade unions, Economic Democracy, Trade Union, Oligarchy, and Right to strike
Ted Howard is Co-Founder and President of the Democracy Collaborative, a Washington, D.C.-based ‘think-do tank’ that develops and promotes ideas for a more democratic economy. He has been one of the main architects of the ‘Cleveland... more
Ted Howard is Co-Founder and President of the Democracy Collaborative, a Washington, D.C.-based ‘think-do tank’ that develops and promotes ideas for a more democratic economy. He has been one of the main architects of the ‘Cleveland Model’ of inclusive local development in Ohio, which has served as an important inspiration for the development of the ‘Preston Model’ in the UK. Howard is now an adviser to the Labour Party’s new Community Wealth Building Unit, which is
looking to extend the lessons of Cleveland and Preston throughout the country. Martin O’Neill of Renewal caught up with Ted Howard in Preston, where he was participating in the conference that launched Labour’s national Community Wealth Building initiative.
looking to extend the lessons of Cleveland and Preston throughout the country. Martin O’Neill of Renewal caught up with Ted Howard in Preston, where he was participating in the conference that launched Labour’s national Community Wealth Building initiative.
Research Interests: Public Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Labour Party (UK), Political Theory, and 15 morePolitical Science, Regional and Local Governance, Politics, Social Justice, Socialisms, Local Government, Egalitarianism, Local Government and Local Development, Socialism, Local Government and Regional Administration, Local Goverment and Local Development, Municipalities, Local Politics, Theories of Socialism, and Local/Municipal government
Taxation: Philosophical Perspectives is the first edited collection devoted to addressing philosophical issues relating to tax. The tax system is central to the operation of states and to the ways in which states interact with individual... more
Taxation: Philosophical Perspectives is the first edited collection devoted to addressing philosophical issues relating to tax. The tax system is central to the operation of states and to the ways in which states interact with individual citizens. Taxes are used by states to fund the provision of public goods and public services, to engage in direct or indirect forms of redistribution, and to mould the behaviour of individual citizens. As the chapters in this volume show, there are a number of pressing and significant philosophical issues relating to the tax system, and these issues often connect in fascinating ways with foundational questions regarding property rights, democracy, public justification, state neutrality, stability, political psychology, and a range of other issues. Many of these deep and challenging philosophical questions about tax have not always received as much sustained attention as they clearly merit. Our hope is that this book will advance the debate along a number of these philosophical fronts, and be a welcome spur to further work. The book’s aim of advancing the debate about tax in political philosophy has both general and more specific aspects, involving both overarching issues regarding the tax system as a whole and more specific issues relating to particular forms of tax policy. Serious philosophical work on the tax system requires an interdisciplinary approach—the discussion in this volume therefore includes contributions from a number of scholars whose expertise spans neighbouring disciplines, including political science, economics, public policy, and law.
Go here to order with 30% off: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/taxation-9780199609222?cc=gb&lang=en&promocode=AAFLYG6
Go here to order with 30% off: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/taxation-9780199609222?cc=gb&lang=en&promocode=AAFLYG6
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Tax Law, International Tax Law, Political Theory, and 15 moreTaxation, Tax reform, Social Justice, Tax Policy, John Rawls, Social and Political Philosophy, International Taxation, Modern Political Philosophy, Libertarianism, Moral and Political Philosophy, Robert Nozick, Inequality, Inheritance, Land Value Taxation, and Taxation Law
The tax system is central to the operation of states and to the ways in which states interact with individual citizens. Taxes are used by states to fund the provision of public goods and public services, to engage in direct or indirect... more
The tax system is central to the operation of states and to the ways in which states interact with individual citizens. Taxes are used by states to fund the provision of public goods and public services, to engage in direct or indirect forms of redistribution, and to mould the behaviour of individual citizens through incentivizing certain activities (such as charitable giving, or investment in new technology) through tax breaks, or to dissuade people from engaging in other activities by means of Pigouvian taxes, including ‘sin taxes’ (such as those associated with the consumption of alcohol or tobacco). Given the absolute centrality of the tax system to some of the main functions of the state, the analysis of conceptual and normative issues relating to taxation should be at the heart of political philosophy. The shape of the tax system is
an unavoidably and irreducibly normative matter, and one which implicates a number of core concerns of social justice.² When we think about issues of social justice in practice, we cannot avoid thinking at the same time about tax.
Given that taxation is one of the most significant mechanisms for interaction between states and individual citizens, it is perhaps surprising that there has not been as much work on taxation within political philosophy as one might have expected. This is not, of course, to say that political philosophy has been silent about tax. But as the chapters in this volume show, there are a number of pressing and significant
philosophical issues relating to the tax system, and these issues often connect in fascinating ways with foundational questions regarding property rights, democracy, public justification, state neutrality, stability, political psychology, and a range of other issues. Many of these deep and fascinating philosophical questions about tax have not always received as much sustained attention as they clearly merit. Our hope
is that this book will advance the debate along a number of these philosophical fronts, and be a welcome spur to further work.
Go here to order with 30% off: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/taxation-9780199609222?cc=gb&lang=en&promocode=AAFLYG6
an unavoidably and irreducibly normative matter, and one which implicates a number of core concerns of social justice.² When we think about issues of social justice in practice, we cannot avoid thinking at the same time about tax.
Given that taxation is one of the most significant mechanisms for interaction between states and individual citizens, it is perhaps surprising that there has not been as much work on taxation within political philosophy as one might have expected. This is not, of course, to say that political philosophy has been silent about tax. But as the chapters in this volume show, there are a number of pressing and significant
philosophical issues relating to the tax system, and these issues often connect in fascinating ways with foundational questions regarding property rights, democracy, public justification, state neutrality, stability, political psychology, and a range of other issues. Many of these deep and fascinating philosophical questions about tax have not always received as much sustained attention as they clearly merit. Our hope
is that this book will advance the debate along a number of these philosophical fronts, and be a welcome spur to further work.
Go here to order with 30% off: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/taxation-9780199609222?cc=gb&lang=en&promocode=AAFLYG6
Research Interests: Economics, Public Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Tax Law, and 15 moreInternational Tax Law, Welfare State, Political Science, Taxation, Tax reform, Legal Theory, Business Taxation, Tax Policy, International Taxation, Libertarianism, John Rawls's theory of justice, International Tax Policy, Taxation Law, Taxes, and Economics and Public Policy
Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century has, in the words of Paul Krugman, “transformed our economic discourse” about wealth and inequality. It is difficult to think of a recent work of social science that has received as... more
Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century has, in the words of Paul Krugman, “transformed our economic discourse” about wealth and inequality. It is difficult to think of a recent work of social science that has received as much attention, or had so much impact, both within academic debates and in terms of broader public discourse. Piketty’s work clearly carries weighty implications not only for economics, but also for many neighboring disciplines, among which we can count political philosophy. Now that the dust has settled after the initial round of scholarly engagement with Piketty’s book, and after Piketty himself has had the opportunity to refine and finesse the central points of his analysis in a slew of post-Capital writings, the time is ripe for an assessment of the book’s full significance from the standpoint of political philosophy, and to consider its full implications in terms of how we should think about public policy.
In this article I examine the main conceptual, historical, and normative claims of Piketty’s Capital, and show how the book provides an important impetus towards an egalitarian research agenda in political philosophy and public policy. I begin in sections II through IV by considering Piketty’s main conceptual and historical claims about the dynamics of inequality. In section V, I consider the normative commitments of Piketty’s account of inequality, look at the (partially submerged or implicit) ways in which Capital in the Twenty-First Century can itself be read as a work of political philosophy, and relate Piketty’s egalitarianism to philosophical accounts of the badness of socio-economic inequality. Section VI addresses some aspects of the general significance of Capital for the discipline of political philosophy. Finally, sections VII and VIII consider a range of strategies for egalitarian public policy, showing the role of political philosophy in laying out the space of possible alternative approaches, and maps an agenda for future research.
In this article I examine the main conceptual, historical, and normative claims of Piketty’s Capital, and show how the book provides an important impetus towards an egalitarian research agenda in political philosophy and public policy. I begin in sections II through IV by considering Piketty’s main conceptual and historical claims about the dynamics of inequality. In section V, I consider the normative commitments of Piketty’s account of inequality, look at the (partially submerged or implicit) ways in which Capital in the Twenty-First Century can itself be read as a work of political philosophy, and relate Piketty’s egalitarianism to philosophical accounts of the badness of socio-economic inequality. Section VI addresses some aspects of the general significance of Capital for the discipline of political philosophy. Finally, sections VII and VIII consider a range of strategies for egalitarian public policy, showing the role of political philosophy in laying out the space of possible alternative approaches, and maps an agenda for future research.
Research Interests: Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Economic Growth, and 14 morePolitical Science, Social Justice, History of Capitalism, Capitalism, Justice, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Keynesian Economics, Social Inequality, Income inequality, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, Piketty, and Public Policy
The idea of equality features in a number of competing accounts of the demands of justice, and does so in a variety of different ways. In what follows here I first examine the background role of a formal idea of equality in all plausible... more
The idea of equality features in a number of competing accounts of the demands of justice, and does so in a variety of different ways. In what follows here I first examine the background role of a formal idea of equality in all plausible accounts of justice, before then moving on to describe the place of a more substantive idea of equality in the best known and most influential account of justice, that of John Rawls. I then consider a number of post-Rawlsian accounts of the place of equality as an ideal of justice, including an examination of the " equality of resources " view of Ronald Dworkin, and the " luck egalitarianism " of Richard Arneson and G. A. Cohen, before discussing the contrast between 'distributive' and 'social' (or 'relational') approaches to equality.
Research Interests: Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Equality Studies, Social Justice, and 36 moreEgalitarianism, Distributive Justice, Justice, Political Theory (Political Science), Equality, John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, G. A. Cohen, Amartya Sen, Social and Political Philosophy, Modern Political Philosophy, Contemporary Political Philosophy, Rawls, Moral and Political Philosophy, John Rawls (Philosophy), Contemporary Political Theory, Egalitarian distributive justice, Liberal Egalitarianism, Robert Nozick, John Rawls's theory of justice, Relational Equality, Normative Theory, Normative Political Theory, Thomas Scanlon, Social Equality, Social and Political Theory, Luck Egalitarianism, Legal and Political Philosophy, Igualdad de recursos Dworkin, G.A. Cohen, Distributive Justice, Procedural Justice, Samuel Scheffler, Elizabeth Anderson, Political Science and Philosophy, Justice sociale et démocratie, and Relational Egalitarianism
Li Andersson was elected to the Finnish parliament in the 2015 general election, and became the leader of the Left Alliance in June 2016. She caught up with Martin O'Neill of Renewal for a coffee after taking part in Momentum's The World... more
Li Andersson was elected to the Finnish parliament in the 2015 general election, and became the leader of the Left Alliance in June 2016. She caught up with Martin O'Neill of Renewal for a coffee after taking part in Momentum's The World Transformed festival, where she spoke on international lessons to be learned from the left's experience in government
Research Interests: Social Movements, Comparative Politics, Labour Party (UK), Nordic Studies, British Politics, and 11 morePolitics, Socialisms, Social Movements (Political Science), Socialism, Finland, Anti-Capitalism, Finnish Politics, History of the British Labour Party, History of Finland, Theories of Socialism, and Anti Capitalist Social Movements
Reconstructed remarks from Derek Parfit's memorial service,
All Souls College, Oxford, 3 June 2017
All Souls College, Oxford, 3 June 2017
Research Interests: Christianity, Philosophy, Analytic Philosophy, Ethics, Self and Identity, and 31 moreAnger, 20th Century Philosophy, Personal Identity, Moral Philosophy, Parfit, Derek, Metaphysics of Free Will and Moral Responsibility, Bible, Peter Strawson, Free Will and Moral Responsibility, Moral and Political Philosophy, Responsibility, Oxford Philosophy, Derek Parfit, Practical Reason, Forgiveness, Moral Blame, Kingdom of Heaven, Morality, Jesus Christ, Punishment, Reactive Attitudes, Crucifixion, Blame, University of Oxford, Frances Kamm, Moral Reasons, Larry Temkin, All Souls College, 21st Century Philosophy, Shelly Kagan, and 20th and 21st Century Analytic Philosophy
Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century has, in the words of Paul Krugman, “transformed our economic discourse” about wealth and inequality. It is difficult to think of a recent work of social science that has received as... more
Thomas Piketty’s Capital in the Twenty-First Century has, in the words of Paul Krugman, “transformed our economic discourse” about wealth and inequality. It is difficult to think of a recent work of social science that has received as much attention, or had so much impact, both within academic debates and in terms of broader public discourse. Piketty’s work clearly carries weighty implications not only for economics, but also for many neighboring disciplines, among which we can count political philosophy. Now that the dust has settled after the initial round of scholarly engagement with Piketty’s book, and after Piketty himself has had the opportunity to refine and finesse the central points of his analysis in a slew of post-Capital writings, the time is ripe for an assessment of the book’s full significance from the standpoint of political philosophy, and to consider its full implications in terms of how we should think about public policy.
In this article I examine the main conceptual, historical, and normative
claims of Piketty’s Capital, and show how the book provides an important impetus towards an egalitarian research agenda in political philosophy and public policy. I begin in sections II through IV by considering Piketty’s main conceptual and historical claims about the dynamics of inequality. In section V, I consider the normative commitments of Piketty’s account of inequality, look at the (partially submerged or implicit) ways in which Capital in the Twenty-First Century can itself be read as a work of political philosophy, and relate Piketty’s egalitarianism to philosophical accounts of the badness of socio-economic inequality. Section VI addresses some aspects of the general significance of Capital for the discipline of political philosophy. Finally, sections VII and VIII consider a range of strategies for egalitarian public policy, showing the role of political philosophy in laying out the space of possible alternative approaches, and maps an agenda for future research.
In this article I examine the main conceptual, historical, and normative
claims of Piketty’s Capital, and show how the book provides an important impetus towards an egalitarian research agenda in political philosophy and public policy. I begin in sections II through IV by considering Piketty’s main conceptual and historical claims about the dynamics of inequality. In section V, I consider the normative commitments of Piketty’s account of inequality, look at the (partially submerged or implicit) ways in which Capital in the Twenty-First Century can itself be read as a work of political philosophy, and relate Piketty’s egalitarianism to philosophical accounts of the badness of socio-economic inequality. Section VI addresses some aspects of the general significance of Capital for the discipline of political philosophy. Finally, sections VII and VIII consider a range of strategies for egalitarian public policy, showing the role of political philosophy in laying out the space of possible alternative approaches, and maps an agenda for future research.
Research Interests: Economic History, Economics, Labor Economics, Political Economy, Philosophy, and 37 morePolitical Philosophy, Political Theory, Welfare State, Political Science, Trade unionism, Politics, Basic Income, History of Capitalism, Egalitarianism, Capitalism, Labour Economics, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Socialism, Social and Political Philosophy, Public Policy Analysis, Rawls, Labor unions, Moral and Political Philosophy, John Rawls (Philosophy), History of Social Policy and the Welfare State, Social Inequality, Varieties of Capitalism, Trade unions, Income inequality, Labour Unions, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, John Rawls's theory of justice, Capitalismo, Economic Growth, Poverty, and Income Inequality, Theories of Socialism, Equality of Opportunity and Fair Competition, Political Equality, Piketty, Thomas Piketty, and Public Policy
This essay concludes a three-part series in the Boston Review, covering the 2017 British election and its aftermath. The “glorious defeat” of June 2017 was not just a handy tonic for the British left, bringing just enough good news... more
This essay concludes a three-part series in the Boston Review, covering the 2017 British election and its aftermath.
The “glorious defeat” of June 2017 was not just a handy tonic for the British left, bringing just enough good news to keep the troops from despair. Rather, it was the first stage in a generational shift in the shape of British politics, pointing a clear path ahead to victory next time.
The “glorious defeat” of June 2017 was not just a handy tonic for the British left, bringing just enough good news to keep the troops from despair. Rather, it was the first stage in a generational shift in the shape of British politics, pointing a clear path ahead to victory next time.
Research Interests: Labour Party (UK), British History, British Politics, Politics, Socialisms, and 15 moreElectoral Behavior, Conservative Party, New Left, Elections, Socialism, Elections and Voting Behavior, Electoral Studies, Socialismo, British Politics since 1945, British Conservatism/Conservative Party since 1945, History of the British Labour Party, Labour party, Theories of Socialism, History of the Left, and Left Wing Parties
Martin O'Neill, analista político inglés: "Hay esperanza en la izquierda británica porque existe una opción real de cambio" El académico de la Universidad de York conversó con El Desconciertro sobre los efectos de las elecciones en Reino... more
Martin O'Neill, analista político inglés: "Hay esperanza en la izquierda británica porque existe una opción real de cambio" El académico de la Universidad de York conversó con El Desconciertro sobre los efectos de las elecciones en Reino Unido para el Brexit, el auge del Partido Laborista y de la posibilidades que los buenos resultados de la izquierda se concreten en el Parlamento.
Research Interests: Labour Party (UK), British Politics, Politics, Socialisms, Populism, and 9 moreConservative Party, Socialism, Social Democracy, Northern Ireland, British Politics since 1945, British Conservatism/Conservative Party since 1945, History of the British Labour Party, Northern Ireland and the Troubles, and Left Wing Parties
Research Interests: Labour Party (UK), British History, British Politics, Politics, Populism, and 17 moreEconomic policy, Modern Greek Politics, Conservative Party, Socialism, Spanish politics, Social Democracy, Media and Politics, Democratic Socialism, British Politics since 1945, British Conservatism/Conservative Party since 1945, History of the British Labour Party, SYRIZA, British Labour Party, Economics and Public Policy, Electoral politics, Podemos, and Public Policy
Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has remade Labour as a party of radical twenty-first century socialism. It did not quite win in 2017, but political and economic circumstances now all point towards Labour having an outstanding chance of a... more
Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has remade Labour as a party of radical twenty-first century socialism. It did not quite win in 2017, but political and economic circumstances now all point towards Labour having an outstanding chance of a massive victory next time around, whether in 2021, or perhaps much earlier as the economic consequences of the unholy combination of Brexit and unending austerity are increasingly felt. The events of 8 June, 2017 leave everything in British politics in flux. For those of us who would hope to see Britain transformed into an egalitarian, social democratic country, a path has opened. It will be a long road to take, but we have now at least seen the end of the beginning of that road of political transformation.
Research Interests: Labour Party (UK), British History, British Politics, Politics, Conservative Party, and 10 moreSocialism, Social Democracy, British Politics since 1945, British Conservatism/Conservative Party since 1945, Labour politics(UK), Uk Politics, History of the British Labour Party, Labour party, History of Socialism, and British Elections
Este artículo está dedicado a eliminar numerosas confusiones posibles acerca del pensamiento igualitarista. Comienzo por mostrar que las formas más plau-sibles de igualitarismo no se adecuan bien en ninguno de los lados de la distin-ción... more
Este artículo está dedicado a eliminar numerosas confusiones posibles acerca del pensamiento igualitarista. Comienzo por mostrar que las formas más plau-sibles de igualitarismo no se adecuan bien en ninguno de los lados de la distin-ción entre igualitarismo télico e igualitarismo deóntico. Prosigo argumentando que la pregunta referida al alcance de los principios distributivos igualitaristas no puede ser respondida en abstracto, sino que, en cambio, supone proveer pre-viamente una explicación acerca de las distintas maneras en que la desigualdad en la distribución puede ser algo malo. Luego, discuto algunas comprensiones erradas de la “objeción de nivelar hacia abajo” y de la relación entre igualitarismo y prioritarismo. Al hacer esto, mi propósito es ofrecer una explicación más plausible acerca de lo que los igualitaristas deberían creer.
Research Interests: Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Science, Politics, and 26 moreSocial Justice, Global Justice, Egalitarianism, Distributive Justice, Justice, Equality, Moral Philosophy, John Rawls, Parfit, Derek, Inequality (Economics), Contemporary Political Philosophy, Rawls, Prioritarianism, John Rawls (Philosophy), Contemporary Political Theory, Derek Parfit, Egalitarian distributive justice, Social Inequality, Thomas Nagel, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, John Rawls's theory of justice, Relational Equality, Thomas Scanlon, Social Equality, and Social Stratification and Inequality
Martin O'Neill talks to Matthew Brown about community wealth-building and alternative economic strategies in Preston.
Research Interests: Industrial And Labor Relations, Economics, Political Philosophy, Labour Party (UK), Political Theory, and 36 moreCommunity Resilience, Community Engagement & Participation, Community Development, Community Organizing, Regional and Local Governance, Politics, Social Justice, Socialisms, Local Government, Local Economic Development, Local Government and Local Development, Local Development, Economic policy, Economic Development, Democracy, Cooperatives, Community Participation, Socialism, Public Procurement, Community Empowerment, Social Democracy, Social Inequality, Public Sector Reform, Local and Regional Economic Development, Economic Democracy, Inequality, Local Goverment and Local Development, Inclusive growth, History of the British Labour Party, Local Governance & Participatory Planning, British Labour Party, Economics and Public Policy, Local Democracy, Community participation and engagement, Knowledge management in public sector, and Public Policy
The results of the Brexit referendum have thrown the UK into a period of social, political and economic turmoil. The vote followed the lowest-quality political campaign in recent British history, as newspapers with their own pro-Brexit... more
The results of the Brexit referendum have thrown the UK into a period of social, political and economic turmoil. The vote followed the lowest-quality political campaign in recent British history, as newspapers with their own pro-Brexit agenda (often favouring the interests of their wealthy proprietors, such as Rupert Murdoch's Sun) regurgitated a steady stream of misdirection, obfuscation and outright lies. The vitriol of the campaign, in which opportunistic pro-Leave politicians such as Michael Gove and Boris Johnson at least tacitly acquiesced with a campaign that frequently veered into outright racism, was disturbing to anyone who might have better hopes for democratic debate. One pro-Remain politician, the Labour MP Jo Cox, was brutally murdered in the street by a gunman who appears to have had close links with a range of far-right and neo-fascist organisations. Hundreds of incidents of racial abuse being directed at UK residents, both those from the EU and those from outside the EU, have been reported in the days since the referendum result was announced. i And the stability of the Northern Ireland peace process, one of the absolute successes of British politics in the past twenty-five years, has been thrown into question (and without much consideration on the British mainland).
Research Interests: Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Voting Behavior, Political Theory, Politics, and 25 moreSocial Justice, European Union Citizenship, Justice, European Union, Media and Democracy, Procedural Justice, European Union Politics, Voting, Elections and Voting Behavior, Citizenship, Procedural fairness, Media and Politics, Fairness and Equality, Intergenerational justice, Obligations to Future Generations, Social Injustice, Fairness, Voting Systems, Injustice, Disenfranchisement, Intergenerational Relations, Voting Age, Politics and Children, Voter Registration, and Brexit
There is, on Scanlon’s view, a great deal more to the normative significance of equality. We don’t just want to see equal distribution of some thing. We want to live together, on terms of equal recognition, in ways that avoid... more
There is, on Scanlon’s view, a great deal more to the normative significance of equality. We don’t just want to see equal distribution of some thing. We want to live together, on terms of equal recognition, in ways that avoid interpersonal domination, prevent the emergence of stigmatizing differences in status, allow people to retain the self-respect that comes with seeing themselves as equal to others, and preserve the kind of background equality that can be a precondition for fair competition in the political and economic domains.
Scanlon’s account of equality isn’t simple; it resists capture in a one-line slogan. It is, one might say, frustratingly complicated. But that is completely right and proper, because the normative reality of our political lives just is frustratingly complicated. Our philosophical thinking about political values should be as simple as possible, but not simpler.
Scanlon’s account of equality isn’t simple; it resists capture in a one-line slogan. It is, one might say, frustratingly complicated. But that is completely right and proper, because the normative reality of our political lives just is frustratingly complicated. Our philosophical thinking about political values should be as simple as possible, but not simpler.
Research Interests: Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Ethics, Political Theory, Political Science, and 20 morePolitics, Social Justice, Egalitarianism, Justice, Equality, Moral Philosophy, Ronald Dworkin, Inequality (Economics), G. A. Cohen, Labor unions, Social Inequalities, Egalitarian distributive justice, Social Inequality, Trade unions, Income inequality, Labour Unions, Poverty and Inequality, Thomas Scanlon, Luck Egalitarianism, and G.A. Cohen
My remarks at the conference to celebrate the philosophy and teaching of T. M. Scanlon, on the occasion of his retirement from teaching, 30 April 2016.
http://philosophy.fas.harvard.edu/event/celebration-philosophy-and-teaching-tm-scanlon
http://philosophy.fas.harvard.edu/event/celebration-philosophy-and-teaching-tm-scanlon
Research Interests: Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Science, and 26 moreSocial Justice, Labour Law, Egalitarianism, Distributive Justice, Justice, Equality, Work and Labour, Inequality (Economics), Social and Political Philosophy, Income Distribution, Contemporary Political Philosophy, Labor unions, Moral and Political Philosophy, Egalitarian distributive justice, Social Inequality, Trade unions, Income inequality, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, Thomas Scanlon, Social Equality, Redistribution, Harvard University, Luck Egalitarianism, Tim Scanlon, and Public Policy
If solutions to the problem of inequality are to be as radical as reality now demands, what is instead required is a reimagining of what would be involved comprehensively to tame capitalism through democratic means. This will involve much... more
If solutions to the problem of inequality are to be as radical as reality now demands, what is instead required is a reimagining of what would be involved comprehensively to tame capitalism through democratic means. This will involve much further development of the kind of plurality of institutional and policy
proposals sketched by Meade, and will involve both the private and public - individual and collective - forms of capital predistribution that Meade advocated. Piketty, like Meade, sees the need for both redistribution and predistribution,
and both see that the institutional means necessary to create a more equal society will involve pursuing a plurality of parallel paths. It is closely in keeping with the spirit of Piketty’s Capital that the political and intellectual agenda ahead will be one that economics on its own cannot hope to encompass. It’s a vital
agenda, with high stakes, and presents challenges to both academic researchers and political activists. On the success of this endeavour depends nothing less than the prospects for legitimate continuation of our economic system.
For full Crooked Timber seminar, including Piketty's replies, see: http://crookedtimber.org/category/thomas-piketty-seminar/
proposals sketched by Meade, and will involve both the private and public - individual and collective - forms of capital predistribution that Meade advocated. Piketty, like Meade, sees the need for both redistribution and predistribution,
and both see that the institutional means necessary to create a more equal society will involve pursuing a plurality of parallel paths. It is closely in keeping with the spirit of Piketty’s Capital that the political and intellectual agenda ahead will be one that economics on its own cannot hope to encompass. It’s a vital
agenda, with high stakes, and presents challenges to both academic researchers and political activists. On the success of this endeavour depends nothing less than the prospects for legitimate continuation of our economic system.
For full Crooked Timber seminar, including Piketty's replies, see: http://crookedtimber.org/category/thomas-piketty-seminar/
Research Interests: Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Science, and 14 moreSocial Justice, Capitalism, Justice, Equality, Inequality (Economics), Socialism, Social Inequality, Varieties of Capitalism, Poverty and Inequality, Redistribution, Theories of Socialism, Piketty, Thomas Piketty, and Public Policy
A political response adequate to the problems of future inequality must be about more than tweaks to the tax or welfare system. Just as the postwar Labour government was able to embed a new, more egalitarian settlement into the centre of... more
A political response adequate to the problems of future inequality must be about more than tweaks to the tax or welfare system. Just as the postwar Labour government was able to embed a new, more egalitarian settlement into the centre of our shared national life, so too in the 21st century the left must think about what kinds of public institutions would have to be brought into being in order to create a better, wealthier and more equal society.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Education, Labour Party (UK), and 27 morePolitical Theory, Lifelong Learning, Economic Growth, Political Science, Politics, Education Policy, Inequality (Economics), Social Class, Institutions and Economic growth, Sovereign Wealth Funds, Parenting/childcare, Social Inequality, Income inequality, Power and privilege, Childcare policy, Economic Crisis, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, Lifelong learning and adult education, Childcare, Equality of opportunity, Adult Education and Lifelong Learning, Equality of Opportunity and Fair Competition, Funding of adult and lifelong learning education, Lifelong Education, Piketty, and Public Policy
Elizabeth Frazer and Martin O'Neill discuss a vision of teaching Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE) 'fit for the 21st century'. In an edition of the ISRF bulletin entitled 'Economics - ...Serious, But Not Hopeless' they discuss the... more
Elizabeth Frazer and Martin O'Neill discuss a vision of teaching Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE) 'fit for the 21st century'. In an edition of the ISRF bulletin entitled 'Economics - ...Serious, But Not Hopeless' they discuss the problems of teaching a coherent Politics, Philosophy and Economics course when each of these three disciplines increasingly require very technical but very different skill sets.
Research Interests: Economics, Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Teaching and Learning, and 21 moreSocial Sciences, Political Theory, Interdisciplinarity, Higher Education, Learning and Teaching, Political Science, Politics, Philosophy of Social Science, Normativity, Interdisciplinary Higher Education, Learning And Teaching In Higher Education, Equity and Social Justice in Higher Education, Interdisciplinary Studies, Philosophy of the Social Sciences, Normative Political Theory, Humanities and Social Sciences, Philosophy of Social Sciences, History and Philosophy of Social Sciences, Political Economy and History, Politics and Philosophy, and Philosophy of (Social) Science
If solutions to the problem of inequality are to be as radical as reality now demands, what is instead required is a reimagining of what would be involved comprehensively to tame capitalism through democratic means. This will involve much... more
If solutions to the problem of inequality are to be as radical as reality now demands, what is instead required is a reimagining of what would be involved comprehensively to tame capitalism through democratic means. This will involve much further development of the kind of plurality of institutional and policy proposals sketched by Meade, and will involve both the private and public – individual and collective – forms of capital predistribution that Meade advocated. Piketty, like Meade, sees the need for both redistribution and predistribution, and both see that the institutional means necessary to create a more equal society will involve pursuing a plurality of parallel paths. It is closely in keeping with the spirit of Piketty’s Capital that the political and intellectual agenda ahead will be one that economics on its own cannot hope to encompass. It’s a vital agenda, with high stakes, and presents challenges to both academic researchers and political activists. On the success of this endeavour depends nothing less than the prospects for legitimate continuation of our economic system.
Research Interests: Economics, Public Economics, Welfare Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, and 27 morePolitical Theory, Welfare State, Political Science, Politics, Social Justice, Egalitarianism, Justice, Equality, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Wealth Distribution, Rawls, Sovereign Wealth Funds, John Rawls (Philosophy), Public Policy - Social Welfare Policy, History of Social Policy and the Welfare State, Social Inequality, Income inequality, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, John Rawls's theory of justice, Wealth, Redistribution, Pension funds, Piketty, Thomas Piketty, and Public Policy
Corbyn’s leadership will challenge both the radical leftists who support him and the center leftists who are not so convinced. The center-left is going to have to reinvent itself in a convincing way and show how it would deal with today’s... more
Corbyn’s leadership will challenge both the radical leftists who support him and the center leftists who are not so convinced. The center-left is going to have to reinvent itself in a convincing way and show how it would deal with today’s political and economic problems. Harping on former glories has already failed. The radical left is going to find out whether the organic enthusiasm of packed public meetings can transform into a broad-based surge of support for a break from orthodoxy.
Whatever happens, the constant refrain of the British public that their politicians are “all the same” has never sounded so implausible. This one is different.
http://bostonreview.net/books-ideas/martin-oneill-jeremy-corbyn-revival-radical-left
Whatever happens, the constant refrain of the British public that their politicians are “all the same” has never sounded so implausible. This one is different.
http://bostonreview.net/books-ideas/martin-oneill-jeremy-corbyn-revival-radical-left
Research Interests: Economics, Macroeconomics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Social Policy, and 17 moreLabour Party (UK), British Politics, Politics, Economics of Innovation, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, Public Policy - Social Welfare Policy, Social Inequality, Monetary Policy, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, History of the British Labour Party, Central Banking, Public Administration and Policy, Piketty, Public Policy, and Jeremy Corbyn
Corporate tax avoidance is one of the most pressing manifestations of social injustice seen in contemporary liberal democracies: it undermines the democratic character of our societies, while unfairly transferring resources from the needy... more
Corporate tax avoidance is one of the most pressing manifestations of social injustice seen in contemporary liberal democracies: it undermines the democratic character of our societies, while unfairly transferring resources from the needy to the wealthy. Appreciating the conventional nature of the corporate form should lead us to insist that corporations really earn their ‘social license to operate’, and one of the most significant ways in which they can do so is by paying their fair share of tax.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Corporate Social Responsibility, Tax Law, International Tax Law, and 19 morePolitical Theory, Property Rights, Corporate Governance, Political Science, Taxation, Tax reform, Business Taxation, Social Justice, Property, Corporate Income Taxation, Justice, Tax Policy, International Taxation, Ownership, Social Inequality, Thomas Nagel, Tax Avoidance, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), and Public Policy
Part of a forum in the 40th Anniversary edition of the Boston Review, discussing Ira Katznelson's "Anxieties of Democracy".
Research Interests:
If solutions to the problem of inequality are to be as radical as reality now demands, what is instead required is a reimagining of what would be involved comprehensively to tame capitalism through democratic means. This will involve much... more
If solutions to the problem of inequality are to be as radical as reality now demands, what is instead required is a reimagining of what would be involved comprehensively to tame capitalism through democratic means. This will involve much further development of the kind of plurality of institutional and policy proposals sketched by Meade, and will involve both the private and public – individual and collective – forms of capital predistribution that Meade advocated. Piketty, like Meade, sees the need for both redistribution and predistribution, and both see that the institutional means necessary to create a more equal society will involve pursuing a plurality of parallel paths. It is closely in keeping with the spirit of Piketty’s Capital that the political and intellectual agenda ahead will be one that economics on its own cannot hope to encompass. It’s a vital agenda, with high stakes, and presents challenges to both academic researchers and political activists. On the success of this endeavour depends nothing less than the prospects for legitimate continuation of our economic system.
Research Interests: Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Social Policy, Political Theory, and 18 morePolitical Science, Taxation, Politics, Basic Income, Capitalism, Equality, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Socialism, Rawls, Sovereign Wealth Funds, Social Inequality, Varieties of Capitalism, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, and Piketty
Published in 1964, James Meade’s *Efficiency, Equality and the Ownership of Property* packs an incredible concentration of insightful analysis and provocative policy ideas in under 100 pages. The book is a brilliant exploration of what a... more
Published in 1964, James Meade’s *Efficiency, Equality and the Ownership of Property* packs an incredible concentration of insightful analysis and provocative policy ideas in under 100 pages. The book is a brilliant exploration of what a more egalitarian society might look like, and of what measures might help us to get there.
As a work that went on to exert a deep influence on both the economists Thomas Piketty and Tony Atkinson, and the philosopher John Rawls, it does not merit the relative neglect in which it now rests. Time is ripe for its rediscovery.
Online at Policy Network here: http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=4909&title=James-Meade-and-predistribution-50-years-before-his-time
As a work that went on to exert a deep influence on both the economists Thomas Piketty and Tony Atkinson, and the philosopher John Rawls, it does not merit the relative neglect in which it now rests. Time is ripe for its rediscovery.
Online at Policy Network here: http://www.policy-network.net/pno_detail.aspx?ID=4909&title=James-Meade-and-predistribution-50-years-before-his-time
Research Interests: Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Science, and 19 morePolitics, Basic Income, Capitalism, Equality, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Socialism, Rawls, Social Inequality, Varieties of Capitalism, Income inequality, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, John Rawls's theory of justice, Universal Basic Income, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, Unconditional Basic Income, and Piketty
Research Interests:
Fair, efficient and politically palatable: how the next government
can raise the revenue we need.
can raise the revenue we need.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Economics, Public Economics, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, International Tax Law, and 24 morePolitical Theory, Taxation, Social Justice, International Political Economy, Capitalism, Equality, Tax Policy, Democracy, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Income Distribution, Rawls, Social Inequality, Varieties of Capitalism, Income inequality, Inequality, Poverty and Inequality, Wealth, Eurozone, Krugman, Eurozone crisis, Difference Principle, Paul Krugman, and Piketty
This module will provide a close reading of some of the key texts from the early writings of Karl Marx, examining some of the most important elements of Marx’s contribution to political philosophy, up to the publication of The Communist... more
This module will provide a close reading of some of the key texts from the early writings of Karl Marx, examining some of the most important elements of Marx’s contribution to political philosophy, up to the publication of The Communist Manifesto in 1848. We will examine a number of aspects of Marx’s thought, including some of the main features of Marx’s relationship to Hegel; Marx’s account of alienation and his critique of capitalism; his critique of bourgeois standards of justice, and the relationship between Marx’s political philosophy and analytic political philosophy; Marx’s views on exploitation and the relation between his political philosophy and his understanding of the dynamics of capitalism; and Marx’s advocacy of a communist society and his account of the transition from capitalism to communism.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Marxism, and 15 morePolitical Science, Socialisms, Communism, Egalitarianism, Philosophy of Karl Marx, Analytical Marxism, Marxist theory, Socialism, Post-Socialism, Marxism (Political Science), Karl Marx, Alienation, Socialismo, Marxismo, and Theories of Socialism
A 15 minute "YorkTalk", given in January 2016, investigating the idea that market reforms could be used to encourage a more equal distribution of economic power and rewards.
Research Interests: Economics, Political Economy, Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Labour Party (UK), and 16 morePolitical Theory, Political Science, Politics, John Rawls, Inequality (Economics), Socialism, Wealth Distribution, Sovereign Wealth Funds, Social Inequality, Income inequality, Thatcherism, Margaret Thatcher, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, Wealth inequality, and Piketty
Conference programme
Research Interests:
T. M. Scanlon is one of the most significant moral and political philosophers of the past thirty years. His development of contractualism as a general view explaining the content of "what we owe to each other" represents one of the great... more
T. M. Scanlon is one of the most significant moral and political philosophers of the past thirty years. His development of contractualism as a general view explaining the content of "what we owe to each other" represents one of the great systematic projects in recent moral and political philosophy
This conference took advantage of Scanlon's presence in the UK to give the 2009 Locke Lectures at the University of Oxford, in order to bring him to Manchester for an intensive two-day exploration of themes from his political philosophy.
Although Scanlon's contractualist moral philosophy has received a significant degree of critical attention, there has perhaps not been the same degree of attention given to the distinctively political aspects or implications of Scanlon's project. The conference aimed to remedy this gap through a detailed exploration both of Scanlon's work in political philosophy, and of the implications for political philosophy of other aspects of Scanlon's work on topics in moral philosophy.
Full program online here:
http://bit.ly/scanlonconference2009
This conference took advantage of Scanlon's presence in the UK to give the 2009 Locke Lectures at the University of Oxford, in order to bring him to Manchester for an intensive two-day exploration of themes from his political philosophy.
Although Scanlon's contractualist moral philosophy has received a significant degree of critical attention, there has perhaps not been the same degree of attention given to the distinctively political aspects or implications of Scanlon's project. The conference aimed to remedy this gap through a detailed exploration both of Scanlon's work in political philosophy, and of the implications for political philosophy of other aspects of Scanlon's work on topics in moral philosophy.
Full program online here:
http://bit.ly/scanlonconference2009
Research Interests:
Now that Corbyn has risen to the party’s leadership, he has to lead. What can we expect? Corbyn has been a maverick, oppositional figure all his political life, and the experience of dealmaking, compromise and accepting responsibility... more
Now that Corbyn has risen to the party’s leadership, he has to lead. What can we expect?
Corbyn has been a maverick, oppositional figure all his political life, and the experience of dealmaking, compromise and accepting responsibility will be a new one. His difficulty will be confounded by the fact that his support is outside Parliament, with many of his fellow MPs taking a less than enthusiastic view of his socialist revivalism. The job will not be easy.
Nevertheless, Corbyn’s leadership will expand the ideas and imagination of the Labour Party and broaden British political debate to a remarkable extent. As well as opposing Conservative austerity with direct moral arguments, he will also put some old issues back on the table, with the Labour Party having to revisit its views on nuclear disarmament, the European Union and higher tax rates on the wealthiest. The economic policies of Corbyn and his shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, are going to put some radical ideas — such as restricting the independence of the Bank of England, nationalizing the energy companies and structurally reforming the City of London by separating retail banks from their investment divisions — onto the mainstream political agenda for the first time. The boundaries of political debate are about to shift.
Finally, Corbyn’s leadership is going to challenge not only moderates but also radicals. The moderate left, whose standard bearers came up so short against him this time, is going to have to discover whether it can reinvent itself in a convincing way rather than hark back to its former glories. The radical left is going to find out whether the organic enthusiasm of packed public meetings can transform into a broad-based swell of public support for a radical break from recent political orthodoxy.
Whatever happens, the constant refrain of the British public that their politicians are all the same has never sounded so implausible.
http://bit.ly/unexpectedriseofjeremycorbyn
Corbyn has been a maverick, oppositional figure all his political life, and the experience of dealmaking, compromise and accepting responsibility will be a new one. His difficulty will be confounded by the fact that his support is outside Parliament, with many of his fellow MPs taking a less than enthusiastic view of his socialist revivalism. The job will not be easy.
Nevertheless, Corbyn’s leadership will expand the ideas and imagination of the Labour Party and broaden British political debate to a remarkable extent. As well as opposing Conservative austerity with direct moral arguments, he will also put some old issues back on the table, with the Labour Party having to revisit its views on nuclear disarmament, the European Union and higher tax rates on the wealthiest. The economic policies of Corbyn and his shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, are going to put some radical ideas — such as restricting the independence of the Bank of England, nationalizing the energy companies and structurally reforming the City of London by separating retail banks from their investment divisions — onto the mainstream political agenda for the first time. The boundaries of political debate are about to shift.
Finally, Corbyn’s leadership is going to challenge not only moderates but also radicals. The moderate left, whose standard bearers came up so short against him this time, is going to have to discover whether it can reinvent itself in a convincing way rather than hark back to its former glories. The radical left is going to find out whether the organic enthusiasm of packed public meetings can transform into a broad-based swell of public support for a radical break from recent political orthodoxy.
Whatever happens, the constant refrain of the British public that their politicians are all the same has never sounded so implausible.
http://bit.ly/unexpectedriseofjeremycorbyn
Research Interests:
This is a call for a fundamental redistribution of wealth and power within the economy, but it is important to note that it is far from being the kind of “Communist” position that Francis’s cruder critics allege. In fact, Francis’s... more
This is a call for a fundamental redistribution of wealth and power within the economy, but it is important to note that it is far from being the kind of “Communist” position that Francis’s cruder critics allege. In fact, Francis’s argument is that it is precisely because the exercise of economic freedom is so important for human development that the state has to ensure that this freedom can be enjoyed by all and not just by a plutocratic minority. Far from being a communist, Francis is an advocate of a form of reconfigured, egalitarian capitalism, where the real benefits of a market economy can be claimed by all citizens.
On Al Jazeera America here: http://bit.ly/laudatosi-radicaleconomics
On Al Jazeera America here: http://bit.ly/laudatosi-radicaleconomics
Research Interests:
We all want security, freedom and independence, but the Conservative Party's housing proposal does not square with their inheritance tax policies. David Cameron says he favours a property owning democracy, but Conservative policies are... more
We all want security, freedom and independence, but the Conservative Party's housing proposal does not square with their inheritance tax policies. David Cameron says he favours a property owning democracy, but Conservative policies are more redolent of a plutocracy.
Online at The Conversation here:
http://theconversation.com/if-cameron-wants-a-property-owning-democracy-he-has-to-support-the-mansion-tax-40203
Online at The Conversation here:
http://theconversation.com/if-cameron-wants-a-property-owning-democracy-he-has-to-support-the-mansion-tax-40203
Research Interests:
Not long ago, reducing inequality of wealth and income was a mission reserved for political leftists, often condemned as no more than the politics of envy by their ideological rivals. Egalitarian politics were often dismissed in the 1980s... more
Not long ago, reducing inequality of wealth and income was a mission reserved for political leftists, often condemned as no more than the politics of envy by their ideological rivals. Egalitarian politics were often dismissed in the 1980s and 1990s as no more than the resentment that the unsuccessful felt for those who were more dynamic and harder working. But things look very different in 2014: Inequality has never been higher on the political agenda than it is today.
President Barack Obama declared in December that tackling income inequality is “the defining challenge of our time.” Bill de Blasio has begun his New York mayoralty by vowing to address the “quiet crisis” of inequality. And Pope Francis, in the first apostolic letter of his papacy, condemned inequality as “the root of social ills”, leading to a “moral destitution” that destroys the social fabric. Obama is due to meet the pope in Rome on March 27, with the White House saying the purpose of the meeting is to discuss “their shared commitment to fighting poverty and growing inequality.”
Now that inequality is clearly no longer a marginal concern, what should we make of this upsurge of egalitarian rhetoric? Have Obama, de Blasio and Francis turned their fire on the right target, or have they lost track of the real problem?
Many on the traditional right would argue that these new egalitarians have lost the plot. But it’s interesting that even some more progressive thinkers do not think that we should care about inequality itself. Princeton philosopher Harry Frankfurt has eloquently defended the view that inequality itself is not something to worry about. According to him, “the trouble with being poor is not that some people are rich. Rather, the trouble consists essentially in having too little to avoid the deprivations and anxieties that are characteristically suffered by people who live in poverty.” As long as everyone has enough for a decent life, who cares how much the rich have or whether inequality is rising or falling?
Frankfurt is surely right to say that the suffering of those in absolute poverty is a cause for great concern, but he is wrong when he says that both the president and the pope are mistaken in moving from a legitimate concern with alleviating poverty to a confused focus on inequality itself. The deprivations of those who suffer from inequality not only are caused by not having enough but also are intimately connected to having less while others have more.
Online at Al Jazeera America here:
http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2014/3/inequality-povertydemocracyclosethegap.html
President Barack Obama declared in December that tackling income inequality is “the defining challenge of our time.” Bill de Blasio has begun his New York mayoralty by vowing to address the “quiet crisis” of inequality. And Pope Francis, in the first apostolic letter of his papacy, condemned inequality as “the root of social ills”, leading to a “moral destitution” that destroys the social fabric. Obama is due to meet the pope in Rome on March 27, with the White House saying the purpose of the meeting is to discuss “their shared commitment to fighting poverty and growing inequality.”
Now that inequality is clearly no longer a marginal concern, what should we make of this upsurge of egalitarian rhetoric? Have Obama, de Blasio and Francis turned their fire on the right target, or have they lost track of the real problem?
Many on the traditional right would argue that these new egalitarians have lost the plot. But it’s interesting that even some more progressive thinkers do not think that we should care about inequality itself. Princeton philosopher Harry Frankfurt has eloquently defended the view that inequality itself is not something to worry about. According to him, “the trouble with being poor is not that some people are rich. Rather, the trouble consists essentially in having too little to avoid the deprivations and anxieties that are characteristically suffered by people who live in poverty.” As long as everyone has enough for a decent life, who cares how much the rich have or whether inequality is rising or falling?
Frankfurt is surely right to say that the suffering of those in absolute poverty is a cause for great concern, but he is wrong when he says that both the president and the pope are mistaken in moving from a legitimate concern with alleviating poverty to a confused focus on inequality itself. The deprivations of those who suffer from inequality not only are caused by not having enough but also are intimately connected to having less while others have more.
Online at Al Jazeera America here:
http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2014/3/inequality-povertydemocracyclosethegap.html
Research Interests:
South Africa, the U.S. the U.K. and other countries would do well to return to Mandela’s and the ANC’s early insights that the central question of social justice concerns control of property and that finding ways to broaden ownership in a... more
South Africa, the U.S. the U.K. and other countries would do well to return to Mandela’s and the ANC’s early insights that the central question of social justice concerns control of property and that finding ways to broaden ownership in a fundamental and not merely marginal fashion should be the leading edge of an agenda of economic justice. Mandela stood for the end of economic marginalization and the broad advance of equality of opportunity. After the necessary accommodations needed to find peace, returning to the radical ideas of the younger Mandela can be an important component to finishing the uncompleted work of his remarkable life.
Online at Al Jazeera America here:
http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2013/12/mandela-economicsinequalitysouthafrica.html
Online at Al Jazeera America here:
http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2013/12/mandela-economicsinequalitysouthafrica.html
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Marxism, South African Politics and Society, Property, and 11 moreSouth Africa (History), African Politics, John Rawls, Socialism, Karl Marx, South Africa, Freedom, Nelson Mandela, Theories of Socialism, Property-Owning Democracy, and African National Congress
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In a world of unlimited budgets, funding for the lavishly expensive Large Hadron Collider (LHC) at CERN would be easy to justify. This justification is harder to sustain in our world of competing priorities. But honest debate about the... more
In a world of unlimited budgets, funding for the lavishly expensive Large Hadron Collider (LHC) at CERN would be easy to justify. This justification is harder to sustain in our world of competing priorities. But honest debate about the politics and economics of CERN is not helped by a complaisant, nonsense-talking media, and nor is it helped by the wilful obfuscations of some of CERN’s defenders.
Research Interests:
Boris Johnson is a dishonest, incompetent clown, whose life has been a story of contemptuous, self-serving privilege. The fact that he may on 1 May be elected Mayor of London tells us something very unsavoury about the ways in which... more
Boris Johnson is a dishonest, incompetent clown, whose life has been a story of contemptuous, self-serving privilege. The fact that he may on 1 May be elected Mayor of London tells us something very unsavoury about the ways in which Britain continues to be disfigured by social class.
Research Interests:
The case for a new bank holiday.
Research Interests:
The case for cracking down on corporate tax avoidance.
Online at the New Statesman here:
http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2007/11/tax-avoidance-corporations
Online at the New Statesman here:
http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/2007/11/tax-avoidance-corporations
Research Interests:
Is social justice possible within capitalist societies? Or should progressives and egalitarians be looking for viable alternatives to free-market capitalism? John Rawls, one of the most influential political philosophers of the last... more
Is social justice possible within capitalist societies? Or should progressives and egalitarians be looking for viable alternatives to free-market capitalism? John Rawls, one of the most influential political philosophers of the last century, advanced the view that social justice is indeed impossible within the constraints of the capitalist welfare state. Rawls believed that familiar capitalist societies in which a small minority holds a massively disproportionate share of wealth could not possibly be just. Instead, he argued that justice requires a different form of socioeconomic organization, one in which human and nonhuman capital is dispersed widely. He called it a "property-owning democracy".
Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond presents the first extended treatment of Rawls' important ideas about the practical implementation of his theory of justice. Contributors to this volume approach Rawls' idea from a number of perspectives: its philosophical foundations, institutional implications, and possible connections to the future of left-of-center politics. Readings shed new light on a variety of topics, including the inequality of current wealth distribution in advanced capitalist societies; ways of funding a system of universal asset holdings; novel democratic forms of ownership; the link between asset ownership and human capital; and many others. Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond offers thought-provoking insights into the concept of social justice in the 21st-century world.
On iTunes here: https://itunes.apple.com/us/audiobook/property-owning-democracy/id670490262
On Audible here: http://www.audible.co.uk/pd/Non-fiction/Property-Owning-Democracy-Audiobook/B00DRFXBUG
Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond presents the first extended treatment of Rawls' important ideas about the practical implementation of his theory of justice. Contributors to this volume approach Rawls' idea from a number of perspectives: its philosophical foundations, institutional implications, and possible connections to the future of left-of-center politics. Readings shed new light on a variety of topics, including the inequality of current wealth distribution in advanced capitalist societies; ways of funding a system of universal asset holdings; novel democratic forms of ownership; the link between asset ownership and human capital; and many others. Property-Owning Democracy: Rawls and Beyond offers thought-provoking insights into the concept of social justice in the 21st-century world.
On iTunes here: https://itunes.apple.com/us/audiobook/property-owning-democracy/id670490262
On Audible here: http://www.audible.co.uk/pd/Non-fiction/Property-Owning-Democracy-Audiobook/B00DRFXBUG
